The History of Rome; Books Nine to Twenty Six - Titus Livius
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BOOK XXIV.
_Hieronymus, king of Syracuse, whose grandfather Hiero had been a
faithful ally of Rome, revolts to the Carthaginians, and for his
tyranny is put to death by his subjects. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus,
the proconsul, defeats the Carthaginians under Hanno at Beneventum
chiefly by the services of the slaves in his army, whom he
subsequently liberated. Claudius Marcellus, the consul, besieges
Syracuse. War is declared against Philip, king of Macedon, he is
routed by night at Apollonia and retreats into Macedonia. This war is
intrusted to Valerius the praetor. Operations of the Scipios against
the Carthaginians in Spain. Syphax, king of the Numidians, is received
into alliance by the Romans, and is defeated by Masinissa, king of the
Massillians, who fought on the side of the Carthaginians. The
Celtiberians joined the Romans, and their troops having been taken
into pay, mercenary soldiers for the first time served in a Roman
camp._
* * * * *
1. On his return from Campania into Bruttium, Hanno, with the
assistance and under the guidance of the Bruttians, made an attempt
upon the Greek cities; which were the more disposed to continue in
alliance with the Romans, because they perceived that the Bruttians,
whom they feared and hated, had taken part with the Carthaginians. The
first place attempted was Rhegium, where several days were spent
without effect. Meanwhile the Locrians hastily conveyed from the
country into the city, corn, wood, and other things necessary for
their use, as also that no booty might be left for the enemy. The
number of persons which poured out of every gate increased daily, till
at length those only were left in the city whose duty it was to repair
the walls and gates, and to collect weapons in the fortresses. Against
this mixed multitude, composed of persons of all ages and ranks, while
rambling through the country, and for the most part unarmed, Hamilcar,
the Carthaginian, sent out his cavalry, who, having been forbidden to
hurt any one, only interposed their squadrons, so as to cut them off
from the city when dispersed in flight. The general himself, having
posted himself upon an eminence which commanded a view of the country
and the city, ordered a cohort of Bruttians to approach the walls,
call out the leaders of the Locrians to a conference, and promising
them the friendship of Hannibal, exhort them to deliver up the city.
At first the Bruttians were not believed in any thing they stated in
the conference, but afterwards, when the Carthaginian appeared on the
hills, and a few who had fled back to the city brought intelligence
that all the rest of the multitude were in the power of the enemy,
overcome with fear, they said they would consult the people. An
assembly of the people was immediately called, when, as all the most
fickle of the inhabitants were desirous of a change of measures and a
new alliance, and those whose friends were cut off by the enemy
without the city, had their minds bound as if they had given hostages,
while a few rather silently approved of a constant fidelity than
ventured to support the opinion they approved, the city was
surrendered to the Carthaginians, with an appearance of perfect
unanimity. Lucius Atilius, the captain of the garrison, together with
the Roman soldiers who were with him, having been privately led down
to the port, and put on board a ship, that they might be conveyed to
Rhegium, Hamilcar and the Carthaginians were received into the city on
condition that an alliance should be formed on equal terms; which
condition, when they had surrendered, the Carthaginian had very nearly
not performed, as he accused them of having sent away the Roman
fraudulently, while the Locrians alleged that he had spontaneously
fled. A body of cavalry went in pursuit of the fugitives, in case the
tide might happen to detain them in the strait, or might carry the
ships to land. The persons whom they were in pursuit of they did not
overtake, but they descried some ships passing over the strait from
Messana to Rhegium. These contained Roman troops sent by the praetor,
Claudius, to occupy the city with a garrison. The enemy therefore
immediately retired from Rhegium. At the command of Hannibal, peace
was concluded with the Locrians on these terms: that "they should live
free under their own laws; that the city should be open to the
Carthaginians, the harbour in the power of the Locrians. That their
alliance should rest on the principle, that the Carthaginian should
help the Locrian and the Locrian the Carthaginian in peace and war."
2. Thus the Carthaginian troops were led back from the strait, while
the Bruttians loudly complained that Locri and Rhegium, cities which
they had fixed in their minds that they should have the plundering of,
they had left untouched. Having therefore levied and armed fifteen
thousand of their own youth, they set out by themselves to lay siege
to Croto, which was also a Greek city, and on the coast, believing
that they would obtain a great accession to their power, if they could
get possession of a city upon the sea-coast, which had a port and was
strongly defended by walls. This consideration annoyed them, that they
neither could venture on the business without calling in the
Carthaginians to their assistance, lest they should appear to have
done any thing in a manner unbecoming allies, and on the other hand,
lest, if the Carthaginian general should again show himself to have
been rather an umpire of peace than an auxiliary in war, they should
fight in vain against the liberty of Croto, as before in the affair of
the Locrians. The most advisable course, therefore, appeared to be,
that ambassadors should be sent to Hannibal, and that a stipulation
should be obtained from him that Croto, when reduced, should be in
possession of the Bruttians. Hannibal replied, that it was a question
which should be determined by persons on the spot, and referred them
to Hanno, from whom they could obtain no decisive answer. For they
were unwilling that so celebrated and opulent a city should be
plundered, and were in hopes that if the Bruttians should attack it,
while the Carthaginians did not ostensibly approve or assist in the
attack, the inhabitants would the more readily come over to them. The
Crotonians were not united either in their measures or wishes. All the
states of Italy were infected with one disease, as it were, the
commons dissented from the nobles, the senate favouring the Romans,
while the commons endeavoured to draw the states over to the
Carthaginians. A deserter announced to the Bruttii that such a
dissension prevailed in the city, that Aristomachus was the leader of
the commons, and the adviser of the surrender of the city, that the
city was of wide extent and thinly inhabited, that the walls in every
part were in ruins, that it was only here and there that the guards
and watches were kept by senators, and that wherever the commons kept
guard, there an entrance lay open. Under the direction and guidance of
the deserter, the Bruttians completely invested the city, and being
received into it by the commons, got possession of every part, except
the citadel, on the first assault. The nobles held the citadel, which
they had taken care beforehand to have ready as a refuge against such
an event. In the same place Aristomachus took refuge, as though he had
advised the surrender of the city to the Carthaginians, and not to the
Bruttians.
3. The wall of the city of Croto in circuit extended through a space
of twelve miles, before the arrival of Pyrrhus in Italy. After the
devastation occasioned by that war, scarcely half the city was
inhabited. The river which had flowed through the middle of the town,
now ran on the outside of the parts which were occupied by buildings,
and the citadel was at a distance from the inhabited parts. Six miles
from this celebrated city stood the temple of Juno Lacinia, more
celebrated even than the city itself, and venerated by all the
surrounding states. Here was a grove fenced with a dense wood and tall
fir trees, with rich pastures in its centre, in which cattle of every
kind, sacred to the goddess, fed without any keeper; the flocks of
every kind going out separately and returning to their folds, never
being injured, either from the lying in wait of wild beasts, or the
dishonesty of men. These flocks were, therefore, a source of great
revenue, from which a column of solid gold was formed and consecrated;
and the temple became distinguished for its wealth also, and not only
for its sanctity. Some miracles are attributed to it, as is generally
the case with regard to such remarkable places. Rumour says that there
is an altar in the vestibule of the temple, the ashes of which are
never moved by any wind. But the citadel of Croto, overhanging the sea
on one side, on the other, which looks towards the land, was protected
formerly by its natural situation only, but was afterwards surrounded
by a wall. It was in this part that Dionysius, the tyrant of Sicily,
took it by stratagem, approaching by way of some rocks which faced
from it. This citadel, which was considered sufficiently secure, was
now occupied by the nobles of Croto, the Bruttians, in conjunction
even with their own commons, besieging them. The Bruttians, however,
perceiving at length that it was impossible to take the citadel by
their own efforts, compelled by necessity, implored the aid of Hanno.
He endeavoured to bring the Crotonians to surrender, under an
agreement that they should allow a colony of Bruttians to settle
there; so that their city, desolate and depopulated by wars, might
recover its former populousness: but not a man besides Aristomachus
did he move; they affirmed, that "they would die sooner than, mixing
with Bruttians, be turned to the rites, manners, and laws, and soon
the language also of others." Aristomachus alone, since he was neither
able to persuade them to surrender, nor could obtain an opportunity
for betraying the citadel as he had betrayed the city, deserted to
Hanno. A short time afterwards ambassadors of Locri, entering the
citadel with the permission of Hanno, persuaded them to allow
themselves to be removed to Locri, and not resolve to hazard
extremities. They had already obtained leave from Hannibal to do this,
by ambassadors sent for this purpose. Accordingly, Croto was
evacuated, and the inhabitants were conducted to the sea, where they
embarked; and the whole multitude removed to Locri. In Apulia,
Hannibal and the Romans did not rest even during the winter. The
consul Sempronius wintered at Luceria, Hannibal not far from Arpi.
Slight engagements took place between them, accordingly as either side
had an opportunity or advantage; by which the Roman soldiery were
improved, and became daily more guarded and more secure against
stratagems.
4. In Sicily, the death of Hiero, and the transfer of the government
to his grandson, Hieronymus, had completely altered all things with
regard to the Romans. Hieronymus was but a boy, as yet scarcely able
to bear liberty, still less sovereign power. His guardians and friends
gladly observed in him a disposition which might be easily plunged
into every kind of vice; which Hiero foreseeing, is said to have
formed an intention, in the latter part of his long life, of leaving
Syracuse free, lest the sovereignty which had been acquired and
established by honourable means, should be made a sport of and fall
into ruin, under the administration of a boy. This plan of his his
daughters strenuously opposed, who anticipated that the boy would
enjoy the name of royalty, but that the administration of all affairs
would be conducted by themselves and their husbands, Andranodorus and
Zoippus, for these were left the principal of his guardians. It was
not an easy task for a man in his ninetieth year, beset night and day
by the winning artifices of women, to disenthral his judgment, and to
consult only the good of the state in his domestic affairs.
Accordingly, all he did was to leave fifteen guardians over his son,
whom he entreated, on his death-bed, to preserve inviolate that
alliance with the Romans, which he had himself cultivated for fifty
years, and to take care that the young king should, above all things,
tread in the steps of his father, and in that course of conduct in
which he had been educated. Such were his injunctions. On the death of
the king, the will was brought forward by the guardians, and the young
king, who was now about fifteen, introduced into the public assembly,
where a few persons, who had been placed in different parts on purpose
to raise acclamations, expressed their approbation of the will; while
all the rest were overwhelmed with apprehensions, in the destitute
condition of the state, which had lost as it were its parent. The
funeral of the king was then performed, which was honoured more by the
love and affection of his citizens than the attentions of his kindred.
Andranodorus next effected the removal of the other guardians, giving
out that Hieronymus had now attained the years of manhood, and was
competent to assume the government; and thus, by voluntarily resigning
the guardianship which he shared with several others, united the
powers of all in himself.
5. It would scarcely have been easy even for any good and moderate
king, succeeding one so deeply rooted in their affections as Hiero
was, to obtain the favour of the Syracusans. But Hieronymus, forsooth,
as if he was desirous of exciting regret for the loss of his
grandfather by his own vices, showed, immediately on his first
appearance, how completely every thing was changed. For those who for
so many years had seen Hiero and his son Gelon differing from the rest
of the citizens neither in the fashion of their dress nor any other
mark of distinction, now beheld the purple, the diadem, and armed
guards, and their king sometimes proceeding from his palace in a
chariot drawn by four white horses, according to the custom of the
tyrant Dionysius. This costliness in equipage and appearance was
accompanied by corresponding contempt of everybody, capricious airs,
insulting expressions, difficulty of access, not to strangers only,
but even to his guardians also, unheard of lusts, inhuman cruelty.
Terror so great took possession of every body therefore, that some of
his guardians, either by a voluntary death, or by exile, anticipated
the tenor of his inflictions. Three of those persons to whom alone
belonged a more familiar access to the palace, Andranodorus and
Zoippus, sons-in-law of Hiero, and one Thraso, were not much attended
to upon other subjects, but the two former exerting themselves in
favour of the Carthaginians, while Thraso argued for the Roman
alliance, they sometimes engaged the attention of the young king by
their zeal and earnestness. It was at this time that a conspiracy
formed against the life of the tyrant was discovered by a certain
servant, of the same age as Hieronymus, who from his very childhood
had associated with him on entirely familiar terms. The informer was
able to name one of the conspirators, Theodotus, by whom he himself
had been solicited. He was immediately seized, and delivered to
Andranodorus to be subjected to torture, when, without hesitation, he
confessed as to himself, but concealed his accomplices. At last, when
racked with every species of torture, beyond the power of humanity to
bear, pretending to be overcome by his sufferings, he turned his
accusation from the guilty to the innocent, and feigned that Thraso
was the originator of the plot, without whose able guidance, he said,
they never would have been bold enough to attempt so daring a deed, he
threw the guilt upon such innocent men, near the king's person, as
appeared to him to be the most worthless, while fabricating his story
amid groans and agonies. The naming of Thraso gave the highest degree
of credibility to the story in the mind of the tyrant. Accordingly he
was immediately given up to punishment, and others were added who were
equally innocent. Not one of the conspirators, though their associate
in the plot was for a long time subjected to torture, either concealed
himself or fled, so great was their confidence in the fortitude and
fidelity of Theodotus, and so great was his firmness in concealing
their secret.
6. Thus on the removal of Thraso, who formed the only bond which held
together the alliance with the Romans, immediately affairs clearly
indicated defection. Ambassadors were sent to Hannibal, who sent back
in company with a young man of noble birth named Hannibal, Hippocrates
and Epicydes, natives of Carthage, and of Carthaginian extraction on
their mother's side, but whose grandfather was an exile from Syracuse.
Through their means an alliance was formed between Hannibal and the
tyrant of Syracuse; and, with the consent of Hannibal, they remained
with the tyrant. As soon as Appius Claudius, the praetor, whose
province Sicily was, had received information of these events, he sent
ambassadors to Hieronymus; who, upon stating that the object of their
mission was to renew the alliance which had subsisted between the
Romans and his grandfather, were heard and dismissed in an insulting
manner, Hieronymus asking them sneeringly, "how they had fared at the
battle of Cannae? for that the ambassadors of Hannibal stated what
could hardly be credited." He said, "he wished to know the truth, in
order that before he made up his mind, he might determine which he
should espouse as offering the better prospect." The Romans replied,
that they would return to him when he had learned to receive embassies
with seriousness; and, after having cautioned, rather than requested
him, not rashly to change his alliance, they withdrew. Hieronymus sent
ambassadors to Carthage, to conclude a league in conformity with the
alliance with Hannibal. It was settled in the compact, that after they
had expelled the Romans from Sicily, (which would speedily be effected
if the Carthaginians sent ships and troops,) the river Himera, which
divides the island in nearly equal portions, should be the limit of
the Carthaginian and Syracusan dominions. Afterwards, puffed up by the
flattery of those persons who bid him be mindful, not of Hiero only,
but of king Pyrrhus, his maternal grandfather, he sent another
embassy, in which he expressed his opinion that equity required that
the whole of Sicily should be conceded to him, and that the dominion
of Italy should be acquired as the peculiar possession of the
Carthaginians. This levity and inconstancy of purpose in a hot-headed
youth, did not excite their surprise, nor did they reprove it, anxious
only to detach him from the Romans.
7. But every thing conspired to hurry him into perdition. For having
sent before him Hippocrates and Epicydes with two thousand armed men,
to make an attempt upon those cities which were occupied by Roman
garrisons, he himself also proceeded to Leontium with all the
remaining troops, which amounted to fifteen thousand foot and horse,
when the conspirators (who all happened to be in the army) took
possession of an uninhabited house, which commanded a narrow way, by
which the king was accustomed to go to the forum. The rest stood here
prepared and armed, waiting for the king to pass by. One of them, by
name Dinomenes, as he was one of the body-guards, had the task
assigned him of keeping back the crowd behind in the narrow way, upon
some pretext, when the king approached the door. All was done
according to the arrangement. Dinomenes having delayed the crowd, by
pretending to lift up his foot and loosen a knot which was too tight,
occasioned such an interval, that an attack being made upon the king,
as he passed by unattended by his guards, he was pierced with several
wounds before any assistance could be brought. When the shout and
tumult was heard, some weapons were discharged on Dinomenes, who now
openly opposed them; he escaped from them, however, with only two
wounds. The body-guard, as soon as they saw the king prostrate, betook
themselves to flight. Of the assassins, some proceeded to the forum to
the populace, who were rejoiced at the recovery of their liberty;
others to Syracuse to anticipate the measures of Andranodorus and the
rest of the royal party. Affairs being in this uncertain state, Appius
Claudius perceiving a war commencing in his neighbourhood, informed
the senate by letter, that Sicily had become reconciled to the
Carthaginians and Hannibal. For his own part, in order to frustrate
the designs of the Syracusans, he collected all his forces on the
boundary of the province and the kingdom. At the close of this year,
Quintus Fabius, by the authority of the senate, fortified and
garrisoned Puteoli, which, during the war, had begun to be frequented
as an emporium. Coming thence to Rome to hold the election, he
appointed the first day for it which could be employed for that
purpose, and, while on his march, passed by the city and descended
into the Campus Martius. On that day, the right of voting first having
fallen by lot on the junior century of the Anien tribe, they appointed
Titus Otacilius and Marcus Aemilius Regillus, consuls, when Quintus
Fabius, having obtained silence, delivered the following speech:
8. "If we had either peace in Italy, or had war with such an enemy
that the necessity to be careful was less urgent than it is, I should
consider that man as wanting in respect for your liberty, who would at
all impede that zealous desire which you bring with you into the
Campus Martius, of conferring honours on whom you please. But since
during the present war, and with the enemy we have now to encounter,
none of our generals have ever committed an error which has not been
attended with most disastrous consequences to us, it behoves you to
use the same circumspection in giving your suffrages for the creation
of consuls, which you would exert were you going armed into the field
of battle. Every man ought thus to say to himself I am nominating a
consul who is to cope with the general Hannibal. In the present year,
at Capua, when Jubellius Taurea, the most expert horseman of the
Campanians, gave a challenge, Claudius Asellus, the most expert among
the Roman horsemen, was pitted against him. Against the Gaul who at a
former period gave a challenge on the bridge of the Amo, our ancestors
sent Titus Manlius, a man of resolute courage and great strength. It
was for the same reason, I cannot deny it, that confidence was placed
in Marcus Valerius, not many years ago, when he took arms against a
Gaul who challenged him to combat in a similar manner. In the same
manner as we wish to have our foot and horse more powerful, but if
that is impracticable, equal in strength to the enemy, so let us find
out a commander who is a match for the general of the enemy. Though we
should select the man as general whose abilities are greater than
those of any other in the nation, yet still he is chosen at a moment's
warning, his office is only annual; whereas he will have to cope with
a veteran general who has continued in command without interruption,
unfettered by any restrictions either of duration or of authority,
which might prevent him from executing or planning every thing
according as the exigencies of the war shall require. But with us the
year is gone merely in making preparations, and when we are only
commencing our operations. Having said enough as to what sort of
persons you ought to elect as consuls, it remains that I should
briefly express my opinion of those on whom the choice of the
prerogative century has fallen. Marcus Aemilius Regillus is flamen of
Quirinus, whom we can neither send abroad nor retain at home without
neglecting the gods or the war. Otacilius is married to my sister's
daughter, and has children by her, but the favours you have conferred
upon me and my ancestors, are not such as that I should prefer private
relationship to the public weal. Any sailor or passenger can steer the
vessel in a calm sea, but when a furious storm has arisen, and the
vessel is hurried by the tempest along the troubled deep, then there
is need of a man and pilot We are not sailing on a tranquil sea, but
have already well nigh sunk with repeated storms, you must therefore
employ the utmost caution and foresight in determining who shall sit
at the helm Of you, Titus Otacilius, we have had experience in a
business of less magnitude, and, certainly you have not given us any
proof that we ought to confide to you affairs of greater moment The
fleet which you commanded this year we fitted out for three objects:
to lay waste the coast of Africa, to protect the shores of Italy, but,
above all, to prevent the conveyance of reinforcements with pay and
provisions from Carthage to Hannibal. Now if Titus Otacilius has
performed for the state, I say not all, but any one of these services,
make him consul But if, while you had the command of the fleet
supplies of whatever sort were conveyed safe and untouched to
Hannibal, even as though he had no enemy on the sea, if the coast of
Italy has been more infested this year than that of Africa, what can
you have to urge why you should be preferred before all others as the
antagonist of Hannibal? Were you consul, we should give it as our
opinion that a dictator should be appointed in obedience to the
example of our ancestors Nor could you feel offended that some one in
the Roman nation was deemed superior to you in war It concerns
yourself more than any one else, Titus Otacilius, that there be not
laid upon your shoulders a burthen under which you would fall I
earnestly exhort you, that with the same feelings which would
influence you if standing armed for battle, you were called upon
suddenly to elect two generals, under whose conduct and auspices you
were to fight, you would this day elect your consuls, to whom your
children are to swear allegiance, at whose command they are to
assemble, and under whose protection and care they are to serve. The
Trasimene Lake and Cannae are melancholy precedents to look back upon,
but form useful warnings to guard against similar disasters Crier,
call back the younger century of the Amen tribe to give their votes
again"