The History of Rome; Books Nine to Twenty Six - Titus Livius
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45. To this camp came Dasias Altinius of Arpi privately and by night,
attended by three slaves, with a promise that if he should receive a
reward for it, he would engage to betray Arpi to them. Fabius having
laid the matter before a council, some were of opinion that "he ought
to be scourged and put to death as a deserter, as a man of unstable
mind, and a common enemy to both sides; who, after the defeat at
Cannae, had gone over to Hannibal and drawn Arpi into revolt, as if it
were right that a man's fidelity should vary according to the
fluctuations of fortune; and who now, when the Roman cause, contrary
to his hopes and wishes, was as it were rising up again, would seem to
aggravate his baseness by recompensing those whom he had formerly
betrayed, by fresh betrayal. That a man whose custom it was to espouse
one side, while his heart was on another, was unworthy of confidence
as an ally, and contemptible as an enemy; that he ought to be made a
third example to deserters, in addition to the betrayers of Falerii
and Pyrrhus." On the other hand, Fabius, the father of the consul,
observed, that, "forgetful of circumstances, men were apt to exercise
a free judgment on every question in the heat of war, as in time of
peace; for though in the present instance that which ought rather to
form the object of their endeavours and to occupy their thoughts, is
by what means it may be brought about that none of the allies may
revolt from the Roman people, yet that they never think of; but, on
the contrary, they urge that an example ought to be made of any who
might repent and look back upon their former alliance. But if it is
allowable to forsake the Romans, and not allowable to return to them,
who can doubt but that in a short time the Romans, deserted by their
allies, will see every state in Italy united in leagues with the
Carthaginians. Not, however, that he was of opinion that any
confidence was to be reposed in Altinius, but he would invent some
middle course of proceeding. Treating him neither as an enemy nor as a
friend for the present, his wish was, that he should be kept during
the war in some city whose fidelity could be relied on, at a short
distance from the camp, in a state of easy restraint; and that when
the war was concluded, they should then deliberate whether he more
deserved to be punished for his former defection, or pardoned for his
present return." The opinion of Fabius was approved of. Altinius was
bound in chains and given into custody, together with his companions,
and a large quantity of gold which he brought with him was ordered to
be kept for him. He was kept at Cales, where, during the day, he was
unconfined, but attended by guards who locked him up at night. He was
first missed and inquired for at his house at Arpi. but afterwards,
when the report of his absence had spread through the city, a violent
sensation was excited, as if they had lost their leader, and, from the
apprehension of some attempt to alter the present state of things,
messengers were immediately despatched to Hannibal. With this the
Carthaginian was far from being displeased, both because he had long
regarded the man himself with suspicion, as one of doubtful fidelity,
and because he had now been lucky enough to get a pretext for
possessing himself of the property of so wealthy a person. But that
the world might suppose that he had yielded to resentment more than to
avarice, he added cruelty to rapacity; for he summoned his wife and
children to the camp, and after having made inquiry, first, respecting
the flight of Altinius, and then, touching the quantity of gold and
silver which was left at his house, and informed himself on all these
points, he burned them alive.
46. Fabius, setting out from Suessula, first set about the siege of
Arpi; and having pitched his camp about half a mile from it, he took a
near view of the site and walls of the city, and resolved to attack
it, in preference, in that quarter where it was most secured by works,
and where the least care was taken in guarding it. After getting all
things together which could be of use in besieging a city, he selected
the most efficient of the centurions out of the whole army, placing
them under the command of tribunes of approved valour, and giving them
six hundred soldiers, a number which was thought sufficient for the
purpose. These he ordered to bring the scaling ladders to the place
which he had marked out, as soon as the signal of the fourth watch had
sounded. In this part there was a low and narrow gate, opening into a
street which was little frequented, and which led through a deserted
part of the city. He ordered them, after scaling the wall, to proceed
to this gate, and break down the bars on the inside by force, and when
they were in possession of that part of the city, to give a signal
with a cornet, that the rest of the troops might be brought up,
observing that he would have every thing prepared and ready. These
orders were executed promptly, and that which seemed likely to impede
their operations, served more than any thing to conceal them. A shower
of rain, which came on suddenly at midnight, compelled the guards and
watches to slip away from their posts and take shelter in the houses;
and the noise of the shower, which was somewhat copious, at first
prevented their hearing that which was made by the men in breaking
open the gate. Afterwards, when it fell upon the ear more gently and
uniformly, it lulled a great number of the men to sleep. After they
had secured possession of the gate, they placed cornet-players in the
street at equal distances, and desired them to sound, in order to call
the consul. This being done according to the plan previously agreed
upon, the consul ordered the troops to march, and a little before
daylight entered the city through the broken gate.
47. Then at length the enemy were roused, the shower was now
subsiding, and daylight coming on. Hannibal had a garrison of about
five thousand armed men in the city, and the inhabitants themselves
had three thousand men in arms; these the Carthaginians placed in
front against the enemy, to guard against any treachery on their rear.
The fight was carried on at first in the dark, and in the narrow
streets, the Romans having seized not only the streets, but the houses
also nearest the gate, that they might not be struck or wounded by any
thing discharged at them from above. Some of the Arpinians and Romans
recognised each other, which led to conversations, in which the Romans
asked them, what it was they meant? for what offence on the part of
the Romans, or what service on that of the Carthaginians, they, who
were Italians, made war in favour of foreigners and barbarians,
against their ancient allies the Romans, and endeavoured to render
Italy tributary and stipendiary to Africa? The Arpinians urged in
excuse of themselves, that in ignorance of all the circumstances, they
had been sold to the Carthaginians by their nobility, and that they
were kept in a state of thraldom and oppression by the few. A
beginning having been made, greater numbers on both sides entered into
conversation; and at length the praetor of Arpi was brought by his
countrymen before the consul, and after exchanging assurances in the
midst of the standards and the troops, the Arpinians suddenly turned
their arms against the Carthaginians, in favour of the Romans. Some
Spaniards also, little less than a thousand in number, after only
stipulating with the consul that the Carthaginian garrison might be
allowed to march out unhurt, passed over to the consul. The gates were
therefore thrown open for the Carthaginians; and being allowed to go
out unmolested, in conformity with the stipulation, they joined
Hannibal in Salapia. Thus was Arpi restored to the Romans, without the
loss of a life, except that of one man, who was formerly a traitor,
and recently a deserter. The Spaniards were ordered to receive a
double allowance of provisions, and on very many occasions the
republic availed itself of their brave and faithful services. While
one of the consuls was in Apulia, and the other in Lucania, a hundred
and twelve Campanian noblemen, having gone out of Capua, with the
permission of the magistrates, under pretence of collecting booty from
the enemy's lands, came into the Roman camp, which lay above Suessula.
They told the soldiers, forming the vanguard, that they wished to
speak with the praetor. Cneius Fulvius commanded the camp; who, on
being informed of the circumstance, ordered ten of them to be brought
into his presence unarmed; and after hearing their request, (and all
they asked was, that when the Romans should recover Capua, their
property might be restored to them,) they were all received under his
protection. The other praetor, Sempronius Tuditanus, took by force the
town of Aternum; more than seven thousand were captured, with a
considerable quantity of coined brass and silver. A dreadful fire
happened at Rome, which continued for two nights and a day; every
thing was burnt to the ground between the Salinae and the Carmental
gate, with the Aequimaelium and the Jugarian street. In the temples of
Fortune, Mater Matuta, and Hope, which latter stood without the gate,
the fire, spreading to a wide extent, consumed much both sacred and
profane.
48. The same year, the two Cornelii, Publius and Cneius, as affairs
were now in a prosperous state in Spain, and they had recovered many
ancient allies, and attached fresh ones to them, extended their views
even to Africa. Syphax was a king of the Numidians, who had suddenly
become hostile to the Carthaginians; to him they sent three centurions
as ambassadors, to form a treaty of friendship and alliance with him;
and to promise, that, if he persevered in pressing the war against the
Carthaginians, he would render an acceptable service to the senate and
people of Rome, and they would endeavour to requite the favour with
large additions, and at a seasonable time. This embassy was gratifying
to the barbarian; and when conversing with the ambassadors on the art
of war he heard the observations of those experienced soldiers, by
comparing his own practice with so regular a system of discipline, he
became sensible of how many things he himself was ignorant. Then he
entreated them to give the first proof of their being good and
faithful allies, "by letting two of them carry back the result of
their embassy to their generals, while one remained with him as his
instructor in military science, observing that the Numidian nation
were unacquainted with the method of carrying on war with foot forces,
being useful only as mounted soldiers. That it was in this manner that
their ancestors had carried on war even from the first origin of their
nation, and to this they were habituated from their childhood. But
that they had to contend with an enemy who relied upon the prowess of
their infantry; with whom, if they wished to be placed upon an
equality in respect of efficient strength, they must also furnish
themselves with infantry. That his dominions abounded with a large
quantity of men fit for the purpose, but that he was unacquainted with
the art of arming, equipping, and marshalling them; that all his
infantry were unwieldy and unmanageable, like a rabble collected
together by chance." The ambassadors answered, that they would comply
with his request for the present, on his engaging to send him back
immediately, if their generals did not approve of what they had done.
The name of the person who staid behind with the king was Quintus
Statorius. With the two other Romans, the Numidian sent ambassadors
into Spain, to receive the ratification of the alliance from the Roman
generals. He gave it in charge to the same persons, forthwith to
induce the Numidians, who were serving as auxiliaries among the
Carthaginian troops, to go over to the other side. Statorius raised a
body of infantry for the king out of the large number of young men
which he found; and having formed them into companies, in close
imitation of the Roman method, taught them to follow their standards
and keep their ranks when being marshalled, and when performing their
evolutions; and he so habituated them to military works and other
military duties, that in a short time the king relied not more on his
cavalry than on his infantry; and in a regular and pitched battle,
fought on a level plain, he overcame his enemies, the Carthaginians.
In Spain also the arrival of the king's ambassadors was of the
greatest advantage to the Romans, for at the news thereof the
Numidians began rapidly to pass over. Thus the Romans and Syphax were
united in friendship, which the Carthaginians hearing of, immediately
sent ambassadors to Gala, who reigned in another part of Numidia, over
a nation called Massylians.
49. Gala had a son named Masinissa, seventeen years of age, but a
youth of such talents, that even at that time it was evident that he
would render the kingdom more extensive and powerful than when he
received it. The ambassadors represented that, "since Syphax had
united himself with the Romans, that by their alliance he might
strengthen his hands against the kings and nations of Africa, it would
be better for Gala also to unite with the Carthaginians as soon as
possible, before Syphax crossed over into Spain, or the Romans into
Africa; that Syphax might be overpowered, while as yet he derived
nothing from his league with the Romans but the name of it." Gala, his
son claiming to be intrusted with the conduct of the war, was easily
prevailed upon to send an army, which, joined by the legions of the
Carthaginians, totally defeated Syphax in a great battle. In this
thirty thousand men are said to have been slain. Syphax, with a few
horsemen, fled from the field, and took refuge among the Maurusian
Numidians, a nation dwelling at the extremity of Africa, near the
ocean, and over against Gades. But the barbarians flocking to his
standard from all sides, in consequence of his great renown, he
speedily armed a very large force. Before he passed over with these
forces into Spain, which was separated only by a narrow strait,
Masinissa came up with his victorious army; and here he acquired great
glory in the prosecution of the war with Syphax, in which he acted
alone and unsupported by any aid from the Carthaginians. In Spain
nothing worth mentioning was performed, except that the Romans drew
over to their side the Celtiberian youth, by giving them the same pay
which they had stipulated with the Carthaginians to pay them. They
also sent above three hundred Spaniards of the greatest distinction
into Italy, to bring over their countrymen, who served among the
auxiliary troops of Hannibal. The only memorable circumstance of this
year in Spain was, that the Romans then, for the first time, employed
mercenary troops in their camp, namely, the Celtiberians.
BOOK XXV.
_Publius Cornelius Scipio, afterwards called Africanus, elected
aedile before he had attained the age required by the law. The citadel
of Tarentum, in which the Roman garrison had taken refuge, betrayed to
Hannibal. Games instituted in honour of Apollo, called Apollinarian.
Quintus Fulvius and Appius Claudius, consuls, defeat Hanno the
Carthaginian general. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus betrayed by a
Lucanian to Mago, and slain. Centenius Penula, who had been a
centurion, asks the senate for the command of an army, promising to
engage and vanquish Hannibal, is cut off with eight thousand men.
Cneius Fulvius engages Hannibal, and is beaten, with the loss of
sixteen thousand men slain, he himself escapes with only two hundred
horsemen. Quintus Fulvius and Appius Claudius, consuls, lay siege to
Capua. Syracuse taken by Claudius Marcellus after a siege of three
years. In the tumult occasioned by taking the city, Archimedes is
killed while intently occupied on some figures which he had drawn in
the sand. Publius and Cornelius Scipio, after having performed many
eminent services in Spain, are slain, together with nearly the whole
of their armies, eight years after their arrival in that country; and
the possession of that province would have been entirely lost, but for
the valour and activity of Lucius Marcius, a Roman knight, who,
collecting the scattered remains of the vanquished armies, utterly
defeats the enemy, storming their two camps, killing thirty-seven
thousand of them, and taking eighteen hundred together with an immense
booty._
* * * * *
1. Hannibal passed the summer during which these events occurred in
Africa and Italy, in the Tarentine territory, with the hope of having
the city of the Tarentines betrayed to him. Meanwhile some
inconsiderable towns belonging to them, and to the Sallentines,
revolted to him. At the same time, of the twelve states of the
Bruttians, which had in a former year gone over to the Carthaginians,
the Consentians and Thurians returned to the protection of the Roman
people. And more would have done the same, had not Titus Pomponius
Veientanus, praefect of the allies, having acquired the appearance of
a regular general, in consequence of several successful predatory
expeditions in the Bruttian territory, got together a tumultuary band,
and fought a battle with Hanno. In that battle, a great number of men,
consisting, however, of a disorderly rabble of slaves and rustics,
were slain or captured. The least part of the loss was, that the
praefect himself was taken prisoner; for he was not only in the
present instance guilty of having rashly engaged the enemy, but
previously, in the capacity of farmer of the revenue, by iniquitous
practices of every description, had shown himself faithless and
injurious to the state, as well as the companies. Among the Lucanians,
the consul, Sempronius, fought several small battles, but none worthy
of being recorded, he also took several inconsiderable towns. In
proportion as the war was protracted, and the sentiments no less than
the circumstances of men fluctuated accordingly as events flowed
prosperously or otherwise, the citizens were seized with such a
passion for superstitious observances, and those for the most part
introduced from foreign countries, that either the people or the gods
appeared to have undergone a sudden change. And now the Roman rites
were growing into disuse, not only in private, and within doors, but
in public also; in the forum and Capitol there were crowds of women
sacrificing, and offering up prayers to the gods, in modes unusual in
that country. A low order of sacrificers and soothsayers had enslaved
men's understandings, and the numbers of these were increased by the
country people, whom want and terror had driven into the city, from
the fields which were lain uncultivated during a protracted war, and
had suffered from the incursions of the enemy, and by the profitable
cheating in the ignorance of others which they carried on like an
allowed and customary trade. At first, good men gave protest in
private to the indignation they felt at these proceedings, but
afterwards the thing came before the fathers, and formed a matter of
public complaint. The aediles and triumviri, appointed for the
execution of criminals, were severely reprimanded by the senate for
not preventing these irregularities, but when they attempted to remove
the crowd of persons thus employed from the forum, and to overthrow
the preparations for their sacred rites, they narrowly escaped
personal injury. It being now evident, that the evil was too powerful
to be checked by inferior magistrates, the senate commissioned Marcus
Atilius, the city praetor, to rid the people of these superstitions.
He called an assembly, in which he read the decree of the senate, and
gave notice, that all persons who had any books of divination, or
forms of prayer, or any written system of sacrificing, should lay all
the aforesaid books and writings before him before the calends of
April; and that no person should sacrifice in any public or
consecrated place according to new or foreign rites.
2. Several of the public priests too died this year: Lucius Cornelius
Lentulus, chief pontiff, Caius Papirius Maso, son of Caius, a pontiff,
Publius Furius Philo, an augur, and Caius Papirius Maso, son of
Lucius, a decemvir for the superintendence of sacred rites. In lieu of
Lentulus, Marcus Cornelius Cethegus, in lieu of Papirius Cnaeius,
Servilius Caepio, were created pontiffs. Lucius Quinctius Flaminius
was created augur, and Lucius Cornelius Lentulus decemvir for the
superintendence of sacred rites. The time for the election of consuls
was now approaching; but as it was not thought proper to call the
consuls away from the war with which they were intently occupied,
Tiberius Sempronius, the consul, nominated Caius Claudius Centho as
dictator to hold the election. He appointed Quintus Fulvius Flaccus as
his master of the horse. On the first day on which the election could
be held, the dictator appointed as consuls, Quintus Fulvius Flaccus,
his master of the horse, and Appius Claudius Pulcher, who had held the
government of Sicily as praetor. The praetors created were Cneius
Fulvius Flaccus, Caius Claudius Nero, Marcus Junius Silanus, Publius
Cornelius Sulla. The election completed, the dictator retired from his
office. This year, Publius Cornelius Scipio, afterwards surnamed
Africanus, held the office of curule aedile, with Marcus Cornelius
Cethegus; and when the tribunes of the people opposed his pretensions
to the aedileship, alleging, that no notice ought to be taken of him,
because he had not attained the legal age for candidateship, he
observed, "if the citizens in general are desirous of appointing me
aedile, I am old enough." Upon this the people ran to their respective
tribes to give their votes, with feelings so strongly disposed in his
favour, that the tribunes on a sudden abandoned their attempt. The
largesses bestowed by the aediles were the following: the Roman games
were sumptuously exhibited, considering the present state of their
resources; they were repeated during one day, and a gallon of oil was
given to each street. Lucius Villius Tapulus, and Marcus Fundanius
Fundulus, the plebeian aediles, accused some matrons of misconduct
before the people, and some of them they convicted and sent into
exile. The plebeian games were repeated during two days, and a feast
in honour of Jupiter was celebrated on occasion of the games.
3. Quintus Fulvius Flaccus, for the third time, and Appius Claudius
entered upon the office of consuls. The praetors determined their
provinces by lot. Publius Cornelius Sulla received both the city and
the foreign jurisdiction, formerly allotted to two persons, Cneius
Fulvius Flaccus, Apulia, Caius Claudius Nero, Suessula, and Marcus
Junius Silanus, Tuscany. To the consuls the conduct of the war with
Hannibal was decreed with two legions each, one taking the troops of
Quintus Fabius, the consul of the former year, the other those of
Fulvius Centumalus. Of the praetors, Fulvius Flaccus was to have the
legions which were in Luceria under Aemilius the praetor, Nero
Claudius those in Picenum under Caius Terentius, each raising recruits
for himself to fill up the number of his troops. To Marcus Junius the
city legions of the former year were assigned, to be employed against
the Tuscans. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and Publius Sempronius
Tuditanus were continued in command in their provinces of Lucania and
Gaul with the armies they had, as was also Publius Lentulus in that
part of Sicily which formed the ancient Roman province. Marcus
Marcellus had Syracuse, and that which was the kingdom of Hiero. Titus
Otacilius was continued in the command of the fleet, Marcus Valerius
in that of Greece, Quintus Mucius Scaevola in that of Sardinia. The
Cornelii, Publius and Cneius, were continued in the command of Spain.
In addition to the armies already existing, two legions for the
service of the city were levied by the consuls, and a total of
twenty-three legions was made up this year. The levy of the consuls
was impeded by the conduct of Marcus Posthumius Pyrgensis, almost
accompanied with a serious disturbance. Posthumius was a farmer of the
revenue, who, for knavery and rapacity, practised through a course of
many years, had no equal except Titus Pomponius Veientanus, who had
been taken prisoner the former year by the Carthaginians under the
conduct of Hanno, while carelessly ravaging the lands in Lucania. As
the state had taken upon itself the risk of any loss which might arise
from storms to the commodities conveyed to the armies, not only had
these two men fabricated false accounts of shipwrecks, but even those
which had really occurred were occasioned by their own knavery, and
not by accident. Their plan was to put a few goods of little value
into old and shattered vessels, which they sank in the deep, taking up
the sailors in boats prepared for the purpose, and then returning
falsely the cargo as many times more valuable than it was. This
fraudulent practice had been pointed out to Marcus Atilius, the
praetor in a former year, who had communicated it to the senate; no
decree, however, had been passed censuring it, because the fathers
were unwilling that any offence should be given to the order of
revenue farmers while affairs were in such a state. The people were
severer avengers of the fraud; and at length two tribunes of the
people, Spurius and Lucius Carvilius, being moved to take some active
measure, as they saw that this conduct excited universal disgust, and
had become notorious, proposed that a fine of two hundred thousand
asses should be imposed on Marcus Posthumius. When the day arrived for
arguing the question, the people assembled in such numbers, that the
area of the Capitol could scarcely contain them; and the cause having
been gone through, the only hope of safety which presented itself was,
that Caius Servilius Casca, a tribune of the people, a connexion and
relation of Posthumius, should interpose his protest before the tribes
were called to give their votes. The witnesses having been produced,
the tribunes caused the people to withdraw, and the urn was brought,
in order that the tribes should draw lots which should give the vote
first. Meanwhile, the farmers of the revenue urged Casca to stop the
proceedings for that day. The people, however, loudly opposed it; and
Casca happened to be sitting on the most prominent part of the
rostrum, whose mind fear and shame were jointly agitating. Seeing that
no dependence was to be placed in him for protection, the farmers of
the revenue, forming themselves into a wedge, rushed into the void
space occasioned by the removal of the people for the purpose of
causing disturbance, wrangling at the same time with the people and
the tribunes. The affair had now almost proceeded to violence, when
Fulvius Flaccus, the consul, addressing the tribunes, said, "Do you
not see that you are degraded to the common rank, and that an
insurrection will be the result, unless you speedily dismiss the
assembly of the commons."