The History of Rome; Books Nine to Twenty Six - Titus Livius
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3. A treaty was this year concluded at Rome with the Vestinians, who
solicited friendship. Various causes of apprehension afterwards sprung
up. News arrived, that Etruria was in rebellion; the insurrection
having arisen from the dissensions of the Arretians; for the Cilnian
family having grown exorbitantly powerful, a party, out of envy of
their wealth, had attempted to expel them by force of arms. [Accounts
were also received] that the Marsians held forcible possession of the
lands to which the colony of Carseoli, consisting of four thousand
men, had been sent. By reason, therefore, of these commotions, Marcus
Valerius Maximus was nominated dictator, and chose for his master of
the horse Marcus Aemilius Paullus. This I am inclined to believe,
rather than that Quintus Fabius, at such an age as he then was, and
after enjoying many honours, was placed in a station subordinate to
Valerius: but I think it not unlikely that the mistake arose from the
surname Maximus. The dictator, having set out at the head of an army,
in one battle utterly defeated the Marsians, drove them into their
fortified towns, and afterwards, in the course of a few days, took
Milionia, Plestina, and Fresilia; and then finding Marsians in a part
of their lands, granted them a renewal of the treaty. The war was then
directed against the Etrurians; and when the dictator had gone to
Rome, for the purpose of renewing the auspices, the master of the
horse, going out to forage, was surrounded by an ambuscade, and
obliged to fly shamefully into his camp, after losing several
standards and many of his men. The occurrence of which discomfiture to
Fabius is exceedingly improbable; not only because, if in any
particular, certainly, above all, in the qualifications of a
commander, he fully merited his surname; but besides, mindful of
Papirius's severity, he never could have been tempted to fight,
without the dictator's orders.
4. The news of this disaster excited at Rome an alarm greater than
suited the importance of the affair; for, as if the army had been
destroyed, a justitium was proclaimed, guards mounted at the gates,
and watches set in every street: and armour and weapons were heaped on
the walls. All the younger citizens being compelled to enlist, the
dictator was ordered to join the army. There he found every thing in a
more tranquil state than he expected, and regularity established
through the care of the master of the horse, the camp removed to a
place of greater safety, the cohorts, which had lost their standards,
left without tents on the outside of the ramparts and the troops
ardently impatient for battle, that their disgrace might be the sooner
obliterated. He therefore immediately advanced his camp into the
territory of Rusella. Thither the enemy also followed, and although,
since their late success, they entertained the most sanguine hopes
from an open trial of strength, yet they endeavoured to circumvent the
enemy by a stratagem which they had before practised with success.
There were, at a small distance from the Roman camp, the half-ruined
houses of a town which had been burnt in the devastation of the
country. A body of troops being concealed there, some cattle was
driven on, within view of a Roman post, commanded by a
lieutenant-general, Cneius Fulvius. When no one was induced by this
temptation to stir from his post, one of the herdsmen, advancing close
to the works, called out, that others were driving out those cattle at
their leisure from the ruins of the town, why did they remain idle,
when they might safely drive them through the middle of the Roman
camp? When this was interpreted to the lieutenant-general, by some
natives of Caere, and great impatience prevailed through every company
of the soldiers, who, nevertheless, dared not to move without orders,
he commanded some who were skilled in the language to observe
attentively, whether the dialect of the herdsmen resembled that of
rustics or of citizens. When these reported, that their accent in
speaking, their manner and appearance, were all of a more polished
cast than suited shepherds, "Go then," said he, "tell them that they
may uncover the ambush which they vainly conceal, that the Romans
understand all their devices, and can now be no more taken by
stratagem than they can be conquered by arms." When these words were
heard, and carried to those who lay in ambush, they immediately arose
from their lurking place, and marched out in order into the plain
which was open to view on every side The lieutenant-general thought
their force too powerful for his small band to cope with. He therefore
sent in haste to Valerius for support, and in the mean time, by
himself, sustained the enemy's onset.
5. On receiving his message, the dictator ordered the standards to
move, and the troops to follow in arms. But every thing was executed
more quickly, almost, than ordered. The standards and arms were
instantly snatched up, and they were with difficulty restrained from
running impetuously on, both indignation at their late defeat
stimulated them, as well as the shouts striking their ears with
increasing vehemence, as the contest grew hotter They therefore urged
each other, and pressed the standard-bearers to quicken their pace.
The dictator, the more eagerly he saw them push forward, took the more
pains to repress their haste, and ordered them to march at a slower
rate. On the other side, the Etrurians, putting themselves in motion,
on the first beginning of the fray had come up with their whole force,
and several expresses came to the dictator, one after another, that
all the regions of the Etrurians had joined in the fight, and that his
men could not any longer withstand them: at the same time, he himself
saw, from the higher ground, in how perilous a situation the party
was. Confident, however, that the lieutenant-general was able, even
yet, to support the contest, and considering that he himself was at
hand to rescue him from defeat, he wished to let the enemy be
fatigued, as much as might be, in order that, when in that state, he
might fall on them with his fresh troops. Slowly as these marched, the
distance was now just sufficient for the cavalry to begin their career
for a charge. The battalions of the legions marched in front, lest the
enemy might suspect any secret or sudden movement, but intervals had
been left in the ranks of the infantry, affording room for the horses
to gallop through. At the same instant the line raised the shout, and
the cavalry, charging at full speed, poured on the enemy, and spread
at once a general panic. After this, as succour had arrived, almost
too late, to the party surrounded, so now they were allowed entire
rest, the fresh troops taking on themselves the whole business of the
fight. Nor was that either long or dubious. The enemy, now routed,
fled to their camp, and the Romans advancing to attack it, they gave
way, and are crowded all together in the remotest part of it. In their
flight they are obstructed by the narrowness of the gates, the greater
number climbed up on the mounds and ramparts, to try if they could
either defend themselves with the aid of the advantageous ground, or
get over, by any means, and escape. One part of the rampart, happening
to be badly compacted sunk under the weight of the multitude who stood
on it, and fell into the trench. On which, crying out that the gods
had opened that pass to give them safety, they made their way out,
most of them leaving their arms behind. By this battle the power of
the Etrurians was, a second time, effectually crushed, so that,
engaging to furnish a year's pay, and corn for two months, with the
dictator's permission, they sent ambassadors to Rome to treat of
peace. This was refused, but a truce for two years was granted to
them. The dictator returned into the city in triumph. I have seen it
asserted, that tranquillity was restored in Etruria by the dictator,
without any memorable battle, only by composing the dissensions of the
Arretians, and effecting a reconciliation between the Cilnian family
and the commons. Marcus Valerius was elected consul, before the
expiration of his dictatorship, many have believed, without his
soliciting the office, and even while he was absent; and that the
election was held by an interrex. In one point all agree, that he held
the consulship with Quintus Appulcius Pansa.
6. During this consulate of Marcus Valerius and Quintus Appulcius,
affairs abroad wore a very peaceable aspect. Their losses sustained in
war, together with the truce, kept the Etrurians quiet. The Samnites,
depressed by the misfortunes of many years, had not yet become
dissatisfied with their new alliance. At Rome, also, the carrying away
of such multitudes to colonies, rendered the commons tranquil, and
lightened their burthens. But, that things might not be tranquil on
all sides, a contention was excited between the principal persons in
the commonwealth, patricians on one hand, and plebeians on the other,
by the two Ogulnii, Quintus and Cneius, plebeian tribunes, who,
seeking every where occasions of criminating the patricians in the
hearing of the people, and having found other attempts fruitless, set
on foot a proceeding by which they might inflame, not the lowest class
of the commons, but their chief men, the plebeians of consular and
triumphal rank, to the completion of whose honours nothing was now
wanting but the offices of the priesthood, which were not yet laid
open to them. They therefore published a proposal for a law, that,
whereas there were then four augurs and four pontiffs, and it had been
determined that the number of priests should be augmented, the four
additional pontiffs and five augurs should all be chosen out of the
commons. How the college of augurs could be reduced to the number of
four, except by the death of two, I do not understand: for it is a
rule among the augurs, that their number should be composed of threes,
so that the three ancient tribes, the Ramnes, Titienses, and Luceres,
should have each its own augur; or, in case there should be occasion
for more, that each should increase its number of augurs, in equal
proportion with the rest, in like manner as when, by the addition of
five to four, they made up the number nine, so that there were three
to each tribe. However, as it was proposed that they should be chosen
out of the commons, the patricians were as highly offended at the
proceeding, as when they saw the consulship made common; yet they
pretended that the business concerned not them so much as it did the
gods, who would "take care that their own worship should not be
contaminated; that, for their parts, they only wished that no
misfortune might ensue to the commonwealth." But they made a less
vigorous opposition, as being now accustomed to suffer defeat in such
kind of disputes; and they saw their adversaries, not, as formerly,
grasping at that which they could scarcely hope to reach, the higher
honours; but already in possession of all those advantages, on the
uncertain prospect of which they had maintained the contest, manifold
consulships, censorships, and triumphs.
7. The principal struggle, however, in supporting and opposing the
bill, they say, was between Appius Claudius and Publius Decius Mus.
After these had urged nearly the same topics, respecting the
privileges of patricians and plebeians, which had been formerly
employed for and against the Licinian law, when the proposition was
brought forward of opening the consulship to plebeians, Decius is said
to have drawn a lively description of his own father, such as many
then present in the assembly had seen him, girt in the Gabine dress,
standing on a spear, in the attitude in which he had devoted himself
for the people and the legions, and to have added, that the consul
Publius Decius was then deemed by the immortal gods an offering
equally pure and pious, as if his colleague, Titus Manlius, had been
devoted. And might not the same Publius Decius have been, with
propriety, chosen to perform the public worship of the Roman people?
Was there any danger that the gods would give less attention to his
prayers than to those of Appius Claudius? Did the latter perform his
private acts of adoration with a purer mind, or worship the gods more
religiously than he? Who had any reason to complain of the vows
offered in behalf of the commonwealth, by so many plebeian consuls and
dictators, either when setting out to their armies, or in the heat of
battle? Were the numbers of commanders reckoned, during those years
since business began to be transacted under the conduct and auspices
of plebeians, the same number of triumphs might be found. The commons
had now no reason to be dissatisfied with their own nobility. On the
contrary, they were fully convinced, that in case of a sudden war
breaking out, the senate and people of Rome would not repose greater
confidence in patrician than in plebeian commanders. "Which being the
case," said he, "what god or man can deem it an impropriety, if those
whom ye have honoured with curule chairs, with the purple bordered
gown, with the palm-vest and embroidered robe, with the triumphal
crown and laurel, whose houses ye have rendered conspicuous above
others, by affixing to them the spoils of conquered enemies, should
add to these the badges of augurs or pontiffs? If a person, who has
rode through the city in a gilt chariot; and, decorated with the
ensigns of Jupiter, supremely good and great, has mounted the Capitol,
should be seen with a chalice and wand; what impropriety, I say, that
he should, with his head veiled, slay a victim, or take an augury in
the citadel? When, in the inscription on a person's statue, the
consulship, censorship, and triumph shall be read with patience, will
the eyes of readers be unable to endure the addition of the office of
augur or pontiff? In truth (with deference to the gods I say it) I
trust that we are, through the kindness of the Roman people, qualified
in such a manner that we should, by the dignity of our characters,
reflect back, on the priesthood, not less lustre than we should
receive; and may demand, rather on behalf of the gods, than for our
own sakes, that those whom we worship in our private we may also
worship in a public capacity."
8. "But why do I argue thus, as if the cause of the patricians,
respecting the priesthood, were untouched? and as if we were not
already in possession of one sacerdotal office, of the highest class?
We see plebeian decemvirs, for performing sacrifices, interpreters of
the Sibylline prophecies, and of the fates of the nation; we also see
them presidents of Apollo's festival, and of other religious
performances. Neither was any injustice done to the patricians, when,
to the two commissioners for performing sacrifices, an additional
number was joined, in favour of the plebeians; nor is there now, when
a tribune, a man of courage and activity, wishes to add five places of
augurs, and four of pontiffs, to which plebeians may be nominated; not
Appius, with intent to expel you from your places; but, that men of
plebeian rank may assist you, in the management of divine affairs,
with the same zeal with which they assist you in matters of human
concernment. Blush not, Appius, at having a man your colleague in the
priesthood, whom you might have a colleague in the censorship or
consulship, whose master of the horse you yourself may be, when he is
dictator, as well as dictator when he is master of the horse. A Sabine
adventurer, the first origin of your nobility, either Attus Clausus,
or Appius Claudius, which you will, the ancient patricians of those
days admitted into their number: do not then, on your part, disdain to
admit us into the number of priests. We bring with us numerous
honours; all those honours, indeed, which have rendered your party so
proud. Lucius Sextius was the first consul chosen out of the
plebeians; Caius Licinius Stolo, the first master of the horse; Caius
Marcius Rutilus, the first dictator, and likewise censor; Quintus
Publilius Philo, the first praetor. On all occasions was heard a
repetition of the same arguments; that the right of auspices was
vested in you; that ye alone had the rights of ancestry; that ye alone
were legally entitled to the supreme command, and the auspices both in
peace and war. The supreme command has hitherto been, and will
continue to be, equally prosperous in plebeian hands as in patrician.
Have ye never heard it said, that the first created patricians were
not men sent down from heaven, but such as could cite their fathers,
that is, nothing more than free born. I can now cite my father, a
consul; and my son will be able to cite a grandfather. Citizens, there
is nothing else in it, than that we should never obtain any thing
without a refusal. The patricians wish only for a dispute; nor do they
care what issue their disputes may have. For my part, be it
advantageous, happy, and prosperous to you and to the commonwealth, I
am of opinion that this law should receive your sanction."
9. The people ordered that the tribes should be instantly called; and
there was every appearance that the law would be accepted. It was
deferred, however, for that day, by a protest, from which on the day
following the tribunes were deterred; and it passed with the
approbation of a vast majority. The pontiffs created were, Publius
Decius Mus, the advocate for the law; Publius Sempronius Sophus, Caius
Marcius Rutilus, and Marcus Livius Denter. The five augurs, who were
also plebeians, were, Caius Genucius, Publius Aelius Paetus, Marcus
Minucius Fessus, Caius Marcius, and Titus Publilius. Thus the number
of the pontiffs was made eight; that of the augurs nine. In the same
year Marcus Valerius, consul, procured a law to be passed concerning
appeals; more carefully enforced by additional sanctions. This was the
third time, since the expulsion of the kings, of this law being
introduced, and always by the same family. The reason for renewing it
so often was, I believe, no other, than that the influence of a few
was apt to prove too powerful for the liberty of the commons. However,
the Porcian law seems intended, solely, for the security of the
persons of the citizens; as it visited with a severe penalty any one
for beating with stripes or putting to death a Roman citizen. The
Valerian law, after forbidding a person, who had appealed, to be
beaten with rods and beheaded, added, in case of any one acting
contrary thereto, that it shall yet be only deemed a wicked act. This,
I suppose, was judged of sufficient strength to enforce obedience to
the law in those days; so powerful was then men's sense of shame; at
present one would scarcely make use of such a threat seriously. The
Aequans rebelling, the same consul conducted the war against them; in
which no memorable event occurred; for, except ferocity, they retained
nothing of their ancient condition. The other consul, Appuleius,
invested the town of Nequinum in Umbria. The ground, the same whereon
Narnia now stands, was steep (on one side even perpendicular); this
rendered the town impregnable either by assault or works. That
business, therefore, came unfinished into the hands of the succeeding
consuls, Marcus Fulvius Paetinus and Titus Manlius Torquatus. When all
the centuries named Quintus Fabius consul for that year though not a
candidate, Macer Licinius and Tubero state that he himself recommended
them to postpone the conferring the consulship on him until a year
wherein there might be more employment for their arms; adding, that,
during the present year, he might be more useful to the state in the
management of a city magistracy; and thus, neither dissembling what he
preferred, nor yet making direct application for it, he was appointed
curule aedile with Lucius Papirius Cursor. Piso, a more ancient writer
of annals, prevents me from averring this as certain; he asserts that
the curule aediles of that year were Caius Domitius Calvinus, son of
Cneius, and Spurius Carvilius Maximus, son of Caius. I am of opinion,
that this latter surname caused a mistake concerning the aediles; and
that thence followed a story conformable to this mistake, patched up
out of the two elections, of the aediles, and of the consuls. The
general survey was performed, this year, by Publius Sempronius Sophus
and Publius Sulpicius Saverrio, censors; and two tribes were added,
the Aniensian and Terentine. Such were the occurrences at Rome.
10. Meanwhile, after much time had been lost in the tedious siege of
Nequinum, two of the townsmen, whose houses were contiguous to the
wall, having formed a subterraneous passage, came by that private way
to the Roman advanced guards; and being conducted thence to the
consul, offered to give admittance to a body of armed men within the
works and walls. The proposal was thought to be such as ought neither
to be rejected, nor yet assented to without caution. With one of these
men, the other being detained as an hostage, two spies were sent
through the mine, and certain information being received from them,
three hundred men in arms, guided by the deserter, entered the city,
and seized by night the nearest gate, which being broken open, the
Roman consul and his army took possession of the city without any
opposition. In this manner came Nequinum under the dominion of the
Roman people. A colony was sent thither as a barrier against the
Umbrians, and called Narnia, from the river Nar. The troops returned
to Rome with abundance of spoil. This year the Etrurians made
preparations for war in violation of the truce. But a vast army of the
Gauls, making an irruption into their territories, while their
attention was directed to another quarter, suspended for a time the
execution of their design. They then, relying on the abundance of
money which they possessed, endeavour to make allies of the Gauls,
instead of enemies; in order that, with their armies combined, they
might attack the Romans. The barbarians made no objection to the
alliance, and a negotiation was opened for settling the price; which
being adjusted and paid, and every thing else being in readiness for
commencing their operations, the Etrurians desired them to accompany
them in their march. This they refused, alleging that "they had
stipulated a price for making war against the Romans: that the payment
already made, they had received in consideration of their not wasting
the Etrurian territory, or using their arms against the inhabitants.
That notwithstanding, if it was the wish of the Etrurians, they were
still willing to engage in the war, but on no other condition than
that of being allowed a share of their lands, and obtaining at length
some permanent settlement." Many assemblies of the states of Etruria
were held on this subject, and nothing could be settled; not so much
by reason of their aversion from the dismemberment of their territory,
as because every one felt a dread of fixing in so close vicinity to
themselves people of such a savage race. The Gauls were therefore
dismissed, and carried home an immense sum of money, acquired without
toil or danger. The report of a Gallic tumult, in addition to an
Etrurian war, had caused serious apprehensions at Rome; and, with the
less hesitation on that account, an alliance was concluded with the
state of the Picentians.
11. The province of Etruria fell by lot to the consul Titus Manlius;
who, when he had but just entered the enemy's country, as he was
exercising the cavalry, in wheeling about at full speed, was thrown
from his horse, and almost killed on the spot; three days after the
fall, he died. The Etrurians, embracing this omen, as it were, of the
future progress of the war, and observing that the gods had commenced
hostilities on their behalf, assumed new courage. At Rome the news
caused great affliction, on account both of the loss of such a man and
of the unseasonableness of the juncture; insomuch that an assembly,
held for the purpose of substituting a new consul, having been
conducted agreeably to the wishes of people of the first consequence,
prevented the senate from ordering a dictator to be created. All the
votes and centuries concurred unanimously in appointing Marcus
Valerius consul, the same whom the senate would have ordered to be
made dictator. They then commanded him to proceed immediately into
Etruria, to the legions. His coming gave such a check to the
Etrurians, that not one of them dared thenceforward to appear on the
outside of their trenches; their own fears operating as a blockade.
Nor could the new consul, by wasting their lands and burning their
houses, draw them out to an engagement; for not only country-houses,
but numbers of their towns, were seen smoking and in ashes, on every
side. While this war proceeded more slowly than had been expected, an
account was received of the breaking out of another; which was, not
without reason, regarded as terrible, in consequence of the heavy
losses formerly sustained by both parties, from information given by
their new allies, the Picentians, that the Samnites were looking to
arms and a renewal of hostilities, and that they themselves had been
solicited to join therein. The Picentians received the thanks of the
state; and a large share of the attention of the senate was turned
from Etruria towards Samnium. The dearness of provisions also
distressed the state very much, and they would have felt the extremity
of want, according to the relation of those who make Fabius Maximus
curule aedile that year, had not the vigilant activity of that man,
such as he had on many occasions displayed in the field, been exerted
then with equal zeal at home, in the management of the market, and in
procuring and forming magazines of corn. An interregnum took place
this year, the reason of which is not mentioned. Appius Claudius, and,
after him, Publius Sulpicius, were interreges. The latter held an
election of consuls, and chose Lucius Cornelius Scipio and Cneius
Fulvius. In the beginning of this year, ambassadors came from the
Lucanians to the new consuls to complain, that "the Samnites, finding
that they could not, by any offers, tempt them to take part in the
war, had marched an army in a hostile manner into their country, and
were now laying it waste, and forcing them into a war; that the
Lucanian people had on former occasions erred enough and more than
enough; that their minds were so firmly fixed that they thought it
more endurable to bear and suffer every hardship, rather than ever
again to outrage the Roman name: they besought the senate to take the
people of Lucania into their protection, and defend them from the
injustice and outrage of the Samnites; that although fidelity on their
part to the Romans would now become necessary, a war being undertaken
against the Samnites, still they were ready to give hostages."